jueves, 16 de abril de 2020

Los Mundialistas Explotan la Pandemia para Imponernos un Gobierno Global

Los Mundialistas Explotan la Pandemia para Imponernos un Gobierno Global


Por Cliff Kincaid
Tomado de: http://www.renewamerica.com/columns/kincaid/200326
Traducido del inglés por Roberto Hope

Ya que el 'cambio climático' no ha logrado traernos un gobierno mundial, la crisis sanitaria global tiene que lograrlo. Así que, Greta Thurnberg ya anunció que es "extremedamente probable" que se haya contagiado del coronavirus. No se le hicieron pruebas, pero se recuperó muy rápidamente, dice ella. Ahora, se nos dice, el mundo debe unirse y crear un gobierno mundial financiado por impuestos globales para lidiar con futuras pandemias.

"Gordon Brown Hace un Llamado para Establecer un Gobierno Mundial que Contenga al Coronavirus" es el encabezado del periódico británico The Guardian que trae un artículo sobre el ex-primer ministro laborista.

Organizaciones globalistas, encabezadas por el Movimiento Federalista Mundial, dirigen el ataque. Este año, sin embargo, piensan que el tiempo está de su lado. Su movimiento "UN2020" está aprovechándose de que este año es el aniversario N° 75 de las Naciones Unidas. Piensan que el coronavirus puede ser explotado para hacer que las naciones de mundo se unan detrás de un esfuerzo por lograr "otro, mejor, camino para la humanidad".

Su "Llamado Global a la Acción" se está desplegando principalmente tras los bastidores, ya que el aniversario N° 75 de las Naciones Unidas "proporciona una oportunidad muy necesaria para evaluar, fortalecer, y renovar todo el sistema".

El Movimiento Federalista Mundial es a veces considerado muy pequeño y sin gran influencia, pero el hecho es que tiene a personalidades prominentes, tales como el antiguo conductor de noticias de CBS Evening News, Walter Cronkite, como miembros. Lo que es más, el ex Presidente Clinton y su primera dama, Hillary Clinton, apoyaron las actividades del grupo durante la presidencia de Clinton.   

El antiguo funcionario de la época de Clinton, Strobe Talbott, escribió un libro, The Great Experiment, que describe sus propia experiencia en pro del gobierno global, en el Movimiento Federalista Mundial, y nombra una red de amigos y asociados cercanos suyos, que incluyen al mega millonario izquierdista George Soros. El objetivo del libro de Talbott es el promover la "gobernanza global" eufemismo de gobierno mundial, que fue definido en su subtítulo como "La Cruzada por una Nación Global"  

Con una pandemia que se extiende por el mundo, creen que éste es su momento para dar el golpe. Un proyecto de su "Declaración de los Pueblos" urge a que se establezcan mecanismos tales como una "Comisión Independiente sobre Gobernanza Mundial" o una "Asamblea Parlamentaria de las Naciones Unidas" a ser promovida por gobiernos simpatizantes.

"Mucho más rápidamente de lo que la mayoría de nosotros podría haberse imaginado, una crisis sanitaria que barre  todo el mundo ... ha sacudido el orden mundial hasta la médula", dice, y agrega que "ya no podemos comportarnos como si nuestras actuales instituciones fueran suficientes para asegurar nuestro futuro... Para satisfacer las crecientes demandas, un sistema revitalizado de las Naciones Unidas requeriría de una fuente de financiamiento confiable"

Intitulado "La Humanidad en una Encrucijada: gobernanza global en una época de incertidumbre global," el documento pide que se consideren propuestas tales como las de establecer un impuesto internacional al carbono, un impuesto al consumo de combustibles fósiles, un impuesto global sobre la extracción o uso de ciertos recursos minerales, un impuesto corporativo mínimo internacional, un impuesto a las operaciones financieras, y "otras opciones de política fiscal."

Pero en el fondo, en sus propias palabras, plantea: "Un cuerpo fiscal global que haga cumplir estas opciones también debe ser considerado."

Mi libro publicado en 1997, Global Taxes for World Government (Impuestos Globales para un Gobierno Mundial) disponibe gratuitamente en mi sitio de Internet (www.usasurvival.org), describe este movimiento.

En el Capitolio, el Senador Edward J. Markey, miembro del Comité de Relaciones Extranjeras del Senado, se ha unido con otros liberales pidiendo al Presidente Trump que introduzca una resolución en el Consejo de las Naciones Unidas que declare que las pandemias son una clara amenaza para la paz y la seguridad internacional. Como parte de esta resolución, quieren "Estatuir que, en el caso de una emergencia sanitaria, todos los países garanticen el acceso a su territorio de funcionarios de la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS), y exigir que todos los países diseminen información sanitaria oportuna, en forma transparente, a la OMS y a sus propias poblaciones."

Por supuesto, la Organización Mundial de la Salud de la ONU ha sido acusada extensamente de un sesgo pro-China, y de retrasar la declaración de emergencia de salud pública alrededor del coronavirus. De igual significación, su director general, el Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, fue miembro del "Grupo de Trabajo de Alto Nivel para el Financiamiento Innovador de los Sistemas de Salud," grupo que recomendó impuestos globales para la ONU. Los llaman "gravámenes de solidaridad," sobre los pasajes aéreos, el tabaco, y las transacciones financieras.

El elogio que hizo Tedros del Presidente Trump, diciendo que está haciendo una "gran labor" en combatir la pandemia, es un reconocimiento de la realidad. Tedros entiende que el liderazgo de Trump ha más que compensado la ausencia de la pericia de la OMS y de los Centros de Control de Enfermedades. El cargo de Tedros está en riesgo, ya que una petición en línea que al jueves llevaba 563,013 firmas pide su renuncia.

Sea que esa renuncia se dé o no, será muy importante para el Presidente Trump, que siga resistiendo los clamores de más globalismo para resolver los problemas causados por el globalismo.

* Cliff Kincaid es presidente de America's Survival, Inc. www.usasurvival.org

lunes, 13 de abril de 2020

Apocalipsis del Coronavirus Ahora

Apocalipsis del Coronavirus Ahora

Por Fay Voshell
Tomado de:
https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2020/03/coronavirus_apocalypse_now.html
del 29 de marzo de 2020
Traducido del inglés por Roberto Hope

Habiéndose enterado de que un periódico en los Estados Unidos había publicado prematuramente su obituario, clarificó el asunto escribiendo: "Los reportajes sobre mi muerte han estado demasiado exagerados."

Algunas cosas nunca cambian

Reportajes falsos abundan en tiempos de pánico nacional e internacional. Como lo señaló la Doctora Deborah Birx en su informe reciente sobre el coronavirus, resulta que el modelo inicial del Dr. Neil Ferguson sobre las muertes por el coronavirus estaba severamente exagerado. De entonces a acá el doctor ha dado marcha atrás a sus nefastas predicciones. Su retractamiento llega después de que muchos gobiernos ya habían adoptado medidas draconianas para proteger al público de sus escenarios de muerte y destrucción.

Aun cuando las buenas noticias fueron decepcionantes para los verdaderos creyentes que desean activamente que ocurra un apocalipsis Malthusiano, el resto de aquéllos que se han visto encerrados ven ahora un rayo de luz pasar por sus ventanas metafóricamente tapiadas.

La historia habrá de juzgar si el Dr. Ferguson hizo lo equivalente a gritar "fuego" en un teatro cerrado, pero su error pone en duda la utilización de modelos "científicos" semejantes como base de políticas públicas. Es legítimo cuestionar la utilidad de los modelos predictivos que se basan en la forma como el Dr. Ferguson y otros practican la ciencia.

Después de todo, hemos visto métodos y modelos "científicos" semejantes usados para justificar políticas que probaron ser peores que las condiciones que las produjeron.

La desastrosa política China de 'sólo un hijo' se basaba en un modelo científico Malthusiano que predecía que la sociedad entera se moriría de hambre si la población de China no se sacrificaba mediante el aborto y aun el infanticidio. Los resultados de esta política están a la vista hoy en día, cuando China enfrenta una insuficiencia de mujeres, un exceso de hombres solteros y una población que se ha hecho más vieja.

Los historiadores también recordarán la devastación causada por el Lysenkoismo. El Lysenkoismo fue de hecho una campaña política apoyada en el Lamarckismo, una filosofía evolucionista más adecuada a la propaganda comunista que la ciencia Mendeliana. Trofim Lysenko forzó un sistema de agricultura enteramente anti-científico sobre el pueblo de Rusia. La excéntrica teoría de "vernalización" iba supuestamente a producir cosechas sin precedente. El modelo fracasó rotundamente. Pero durante dieciseis largos años, la agricultura rusa estuvo condenada a sufir esas políticas pseudo científicas, hechas cumplr por medio de medidas draconianas impuestas por Stalin.

Todos los ejemplos anteriores se mencionan por no decir nada de los modelos pseudo científicos que tratan acerca de enfermedades, razas, etnicidades, criminalidad e inteligencia.

Todos los modelos pseudo científicos tienen un elemento en común. Esencialmente son hondamente relgiosos, siempre acompañados de escenarios del fin de los tiempos que incitan al público a tomar acciones fomentadas por el pánico y la desesperación. La utilización de matemáticas y gráficas agrega un aire de legitimidad a las predicciones apocalípticas, que son casi un duplicado exacto de los escenarios del fin de los tiempos que profetizan los líderes de muchos cultos. Esos profetas han utilizado versos bíblicos, numerología gnóstica, culpa, y miedo, para inducir pánico en sus seguidores, para que vendan todas sus posesiones, se pongan túnicas blancas, huyan a las montañas, o caven refugios subterráneos con la esperanza de sobrevivir como los elegidos que al final fueron salvados.

En un pánico inducido de forma semejante, hay aquéllos cuyos planes de perturbación se están poniendo en juego ahora, al tiempo que apelan a la "ciencia" y a su superior discernimiento moral; sabiduría oculta a nosotros, resto de los mortales. 

Nada hay más tentador para los tiranos en potencia que utilizar un pánico atizado al rojo vivo a fin de reforzar el control del estado. El uso de verdades parciales ─ nos queda claro que el virus es real ─ puede exagerarse y maquillarse con el fin de lograr fines nefastos. 

Desafortunadamente, el hecho de que el retorcimiento final de un sistema enfermo hecho a base de mentiras puede no obstante producir caos. A algunos ideólogos simplemente les encanta ver incendiarse las cosas. Algunos ven formas de beneficiarse del colapso de la sociedad. Otros ven la posibilidad de que pueda ser transformada fundamentalmente.

Aun cuando el coronavirus es real, y deben tomarse medidas sensatas para prevenir su propagación, quizás sea bueno escuchar una voz de Italia, epicentro actual de la plaga del virus. Italia, que desde ya hace mucho tiempo ha llevado un inestable flirteo con el comunismo, goza de unas cuantas voces que claman cautela conforme las medidas para contener el virus parecen cada vez más una toma de poder por el estado, digno de los bolcheviques.

El autor de una columna presciente que escribe con el pseudónimo  'Mundabor' dice:


"...me parece que, en Italia por lo menos, la emergencia se está mutando en paranoia. Tengo pocas dudas de que España y Francia pronto seguirán los mismos pasos, pues tienden a reaccionar de la misma manera. Sólo puedo esperar que la Gran Bretaña y los Estadon Unidos mantendrán una cabeza más sosegada, siguiendo una tradición flemática en tiempos de crisis. 
"Escuchen, la gente no se encierra, las fábricas no se cierran aun en tiempos de guerra cuando los bombarderos están volando arriba de sus cabezas. La decisión del primer ministro italiano Conte, de cerrar las fábricas a partir de ya, es precisamente un ejemplo de lo que no, nunca jamás (¡ni siquiera si tuviéramos los bombarderos enemigos arriba de nuestras cabezas!), se debe hacer.
Y agrega:
"El distanciamiento social está bien. El trabajar desde casa en la medida de lo posible está bien. El prohibir las reuniones masivas es algo que siempre se ha hecho por razones de orden público. Pero cuando se comienzan a cerrar fábricas y se condena al cierre todo establecimiento que no sea 'esencial', se está jugando con el mismo tejido social del país y haciendo que Italia se convierta en una próxima Venezuela
"La izquierda se levantará como ha sido siempre el caso cuando la miseria y la pobreza crecen. Esto resultará en una Primera Guerra Mundial hecha enteramente en casa, con los ciudadanos disparándose unos a otros en vez de recibir disparos del enemigo."
Las palabras de Mundabor deberían ponernos a reflexionar. Debemos considerar qué pasará si nuestra entera nación es cerrada. Debemos considerar que lo que está pasando en nuestro país va más allá de un intento de echar fuera a Donald Trump, y está mutándose rápidamente en una histeria que, si no se para, podría cambiar a tal grado nuestra nación entera, que acabará siendo irreconocible.

Como lo expresa Mundabor: 
"Conforme crece la histeria (que me temo que crecerá), Conte y los demás políticos no tendrán interés alguno en tratar de plantarse ante la sociedad, trazar una linea en la arena y decir que debe haber un límite a las medidas que se tomen para evitar la propagación del virus chino. Por el contrario, la tentación será de colocarse ellos mismos 'al frente del movimiento' y aparecer 'compasivos', aun cuando irresponsablemente destruyan las vidas de millones de personas y causen incontable sufrimiento en los años venideros."
La paranoia del coronavirus pone una opción ante los Americanos: Reavivar el monstruo Frankenstein progresivista/izquierdista, o inmolarlo por fin.

Esperemos que America elija esto último y no acceda a abrazar una visión ideológica que desde hace mucho tiempo ha descansado en mortales visiones de apocalipsis ahora, visiones que habrían de destruir las defectuosas pero redimibles instituciones y naciones de Occidente.

Mientras tanto, pido y espero que el pánico engendrado por un paradigma ideológico apuntalado por una pseudo-ciencia y con soportes filosóficos descarriados, por fin colapse y que comience una verdadera reforma y restauración.

Mientras tanto, aquéllos que son adictos a los escenarios de apocalipsis ahora harían bien en pensar sobre las palabras sabias que un profeta expresó sobre el tema verdadero hace miles de años:

No sabemos cuándo sucederá, pero cuando suceda, no nos pasará desapercibido.

Fay Voshell tiene una maestría en teología del Seminario Teológico de Princeton, que le confirió un premio de excelencia en teología sistemática. Sus pensamientos han sido publicados en muchas revistas en línea, incuyendo el Christian Post, National Review, RealClearReligion, Russia Insider y American Thinker. Uno puede comunicarse con ella en fvoshell@yahoo.com.

domingo, 12 de abril de 2020

Soy Persona de Alto Riesgo, pero Objeto al Pánico del Coronavirus

Soy Persona de Alto Riesgo, pero Objeto al Pánico del Coronavirus

Por John Leonard


Tomado de: https://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2020/04/im_a_highrisk_person_and_i_object_to_the_coronavirus_panic.html
Traducido del inglés por Roberto Hope

Uno de los momentos más inolvidables de la película Braveheart tiene lugar luego de que Guillermo Wallace ha sido traicionado, capturado por su enemigo, Eduardo Longshanks (Eduardo I de Inglaterra), y condenado a morir mediante tortura. Su amada, la Princesa Isabel, lo visita en prisión y le ruega a Wallace que confiese y jure su lealtad al Rey Eduardo, diciéndole: "Vas a morir. Será terrible". Wallace le responde: "Todo hombre muere. No todo hombre vive verdaderamente".

Esto no debe ser novedad para usted — todos vamos a morir. Lo único que no sabemos es si habremos de morir pronto o algún tiempo más adelante. Desde el momento en que nacemos, el reloj de la muerte comienza a correr, y así empieza a contar el número de nuestros días. Si vivimos en constante temor a la muerte, moriremos en una soledad miserable.

El gran Michael Crichton, ya difunto, se hizo famoso por escribir novelas tales como Jurassic Park, The Terminal Man, The Andromeda Strain, y Westworld, libros que unían su habilidad de  comprensión de los avances médicos y tecnológicos producidos por la investigación científica de punta, integrarlos en una trama de suspenso y escribir una novela emocionante. En 2004, Crichton publicó su novela State of Fear. Esta emocionante novela de suspenso presentaba a alarmistas del "cambio climático" como criminales que intentaban inducir pánico entre el público en general a fin de manipular y controlar el comportamiento de miles de millones de personas para beneficio económico de ellos.

Los críticos atacaron el libro porque, correctamente, reconocieron que Crichton había debilitado el popular movimiento del "calentamiento global" dos años antes de que Al Gore hiciera un papel estelar en la película An Inconvenient Truth y cinco años antes del escándalo Climategate, que dio a conocer al público la aparente conspiración para ocultar la caída en las temperatiras globales.

Es de notarse que a dieciseis años de que Crichton expusiera lo que luego Climategate confirmó, o sea que la insistencia en que la actividad humana puede tener un efecto en detrimento del medio ambiente es un intento de crear pánico en la gente, aun hoy en día, en medio del pánico global sobre el coronavirus, los activistas del clima siguen tratando de atizar la flama del cambio climático porque, parafraseando lo que dijo Rahm Emmanuel, "una crisis es algo terrible que no se puede dejar de aprovechar". Mientras la gente está ya fuera de sí con el miedo al coronavirus, es una gran oportunidad para apalancar el sentimiento general de miedo para engrandecer su tema favorito. La activista adolescente Greta Thurnberg dijo: "en una crisis cambiamos nuestro comportamiento y nos adaptamos a las nuevas circunstancias para el mayor bien de la sociedad" y luego reveló que, como resultado de su extenso viajar por la Europa Central, pensaba que probablemente se había contagiado del COVID-19 y que, de entonces a acá, ya se ha recuperado.

De manera semejante, el ex-presidente Barack Obama entró al ruedo diciendo "Hemos visto las terribles consecuencias de aquéllos que negaban las advertencias sobre la pandemia. No podemos darnos el lujo de negar las del cambio climático" pero quzás el Sr. Obama no debiera ser tan duro consigo mismo. Hasta el prejuiciado, y sesgado hacia lo liberal, periódico USA Today hubo de reconocer que Obama dejó que el inventario de mascarillas N-95 se agotara durante la pandemia de la fiebre porcina y nunca lo repuso, aun cuando el periódico trató de mitigar la culpa diciendo que Trump había manifestado gran falta de juicio por no haberse preparado para un brote a gran escala de alguna enfermedad contagiosa. Es demasiado fácil decir lo que alguien debiera haber hecho, mucho tiempo después de que algo ya ha ocurrido.

¿Es esto lo que el brote del coronavirus representa — un brote a gran escala? Veamos los números. El estado de Georgia tiene una población de 10.52 millones de personas. A la fecha de que escribo esto, el Viernes Santo del 2020, en Georgia se ha identificado un total de 11,483 casos confirmados y 416 muertes. Por hacer una comparación, considérese que 1,505 personas murieron en accidentes automovilísticos en 2019.

Es útil recordar que, según algunos reportes, toda persona que haya muerto después de haber contraído el coronavirus cuenta como muerte por coronavirus, lo cual infla las estadísticas de muerte por el virus. Y también recuerden por favor que un enorme número de 28,544 abortos fueron llevados a cabo en Georgia. Ciertamente, todo hombre va a morir, pero no a todo hombre se le da la oportunidad de vivir.

Reconoceré, para mi vergüenza, que no siempre he optado por ir a misa en Domingo de Pascua, pero jamás en mi vida entera, se me había negado la oportunidad de asistir a los oficios de Pascua porque todas la iglesias fueran a estar cerradas. Nuestra nación está actualmente paralizada por un miedo que en gran medida ha sido provocado por la misma clase de modelos computacionales que se han utilizado para predecir un cambio abrupto y catastrófico en el clima, que requiere el mismo tipo de reacción empanicada que estamos viendo ante el COVID-19.

Según los modelos estadísticos, estoy considerado dentro de la categoría de alto riesgo para el coronavirus porque he sido asmático desde mi nacimiento hace casi sesenta años. Las estadísticas han demostrado que la gente de mi edad y mayores, con condiciones pre-existentes de mala salud son las más vulnerables al coronavirus y las más susceptibles de morir una vez contagiados. Déjenme ser abundantemente claro: no tengo ningún deseo inminente de morir ni tengo razón para pensar que no gozaré de algunas más décadas de vida, pero no quiero que extensión alguna de mi vida me venga a costa de todos los demás.

Hasta que haga un poco más de calor, estoy perfectamente de acuerdo en ponerme mascarilllas N-95 y guantes de plástico que encontré en mi taller, cuando salgo a comprar a la tienda, porque no quiero morirme pronto. Sin embargo, no quisiera pasar el resto de mi vida preso en mi propia casa. No quiero que gente más joven y saludable que yo sufra sin límites porque yo pudiera estar en un riesgo algo mayor que la gran mayoría de la población. Quiero poder ir a la iglesia y recibir la comunión este domingo. Quiero salir a comer en un reataurante. Quiero ir a ver jugar beisbol a los Bravos de Atlanta. Quiero ver a Georgia jugar contra Alabama el 19 de septiembre. Quiero jugar tenis y hacer más ejercicio que el de sacar a pasear a mis perros.

No me concentré en matemáticas en la universidad, pero por haber tomado una o dos clases de estadística sé que si divides el número de infecciones entre la población total de Georgia deberías poder calcular la probabilidad de toparte con una persona contagiada del coronavirus, y 11,483 divididos entre 10.52 millones da 0.001 o sea una probabilidad de uno entre mil de siquiera toparte con alguien que traiga el virus. Si llevo puesto equipo de protección personal y me lavo las manos con frecuencia, la probabilidad de contraer el virus se reduce aún más. 

La neta es simplemente ésta: el daño a nuestra economía no se justifica con la supresión del riesgo adicional a mi propia vida. Hablando estadísticamente, no es más probable que muera del coronavirus que de un ataque cardiaco o de un accidente automovilístico. Todos habremos de morir tarde o temprano. Nunca ha sido cuestión de 'si', sino de 'dónde', 'cuándo' y 'cómo'.

En la película The Wrath of Khan, el Sr. Spock elige sacrificarse a sí mismo por salvar a la tripulación del USS Enterprise, diciéndole al Capitán Kirk, "La lógica claramente dicta que las necesidades de los muchos pesan más que las de los pocos."

Yo, no siendo tan inteligente o elocuente como el Sr. Spock, probablemente habría dicho: "Estoy dispuesto a jugarme una por el equipo". Sinceramente, me repugna la idea de mantenerme cautivo por un programa de computación que hasta ahora ni siquiera ha acertado, ni por mucho, en sus predicciones. Y, si me equivoco, seré yo quien habrá de pagar el precio ¿cierto?

América necesita volver a trabajar. Mis necesidades personales no son más importantes que las del resto de la sociedad. El reabrir la economía para beneficio de todos justifica el riesgo que yo estoy dispuesto a tomar.

John Leonard es un escritor independiente y, más recientemente, editor de la serie Rootstock de novelas épicas fantásticas. Puede hallarlo en Facebook o contactarlo a través de su página web southernprose.com

domingo, 22 de marzo de 2020

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution. VIII

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution


By Alejandro Ordóñez Maldonado 


(Continued)


VIII. The New Law and the New World Order



"I may descend from those ancient men 
who in their caves painted animals, 
then vases, then gods and skies and
afterward erected cathedrals."

Father Leonardo Castellani

In his extraordinary book "El nuevo orden mundial en el pensamiento de Fukuyama" (The new world order in Fukuyama's thinking) Father Alfredo Sáenz explains in a clear and succinct way that the idea of a community, above national individualities, is an age-long yearning. After the instauration of the Roman Empire, which sought something similar, history knew a new attempt, this time under the aegis of Christianity. We refer to Christendom, which, in a certain way, took over the old empire, although with a new spirit. As is well known it is necessary to distinguish Christianity from Christendom. Christianity is the individual practice of Christian Doctrine; it can occur in heathen countries or even in anti-Christian ones. Christendom, in contrast, exists where the spirit of the Gospel gets to impregnate the temporal order, the culture, the arts, the economy, labor, and, above all, politics; his holiness, Pope Leo XIII, in his Encyclical Immortale Dei, describes it masterfully:  "There was once a time when the States were governed in accordance with Christian philosophy, and in which the splendor of evangelic wisdom and its divine virtue guided the laws, the institutions, the mores, the social classes, and the multiple manifestations of the life of the peoples". It was a globalization of the temporal order in which the social need of Christ and of its mystical body ─ the Church ─ was recognized, and which started to dismember beginning in the Sixteenth Century, with the consequent disappearance of that union of Christian nations. A new union was attempted again at the beginning of the Twentieth Century; as far as being a universal community they could be considered similar, with this small distinction, that the current one is without Christ and even more, against Christ and His only Church, and this has always been the intention of Freemasonry, to build a world order that would be a caricature or rather a parody of Christianitas, in which humanity be the union of men without charity, without God, and without Christ. To consolidate this, they have counted with the aid of unbeatable allies, or rather with efficacious instruments: the first one, the Society of Nations or United Nations, which guarantee the global hegemony of the new lords of the world; the second one, UNESCO, organism dependent on the first one which has as its purpose to create a single world culture, and of course the synarchist power, which among its great spokesmen are Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Henry Kissinger. The former, in his book The Technocratic Era claims that thanks to technological progress, above all nuclear physics and computers, we will enter a new era, that of global political progress, in which the unity of the human species will be brought about, in which the transnational corporations will supplant the States, for which reason we should resign ourselves to see the various homelands disappear.

Hereafter, Father Sáenz continues, quoting Alberto Caturelli, the United States will be the "intra-worldly providence of history, the depositary of the highest aims." And, what are these aims? Economic growth, welfare, secular messianism, globalism without homelands; attainable with the aid of computers and of a universal language, English. Professor Antonio Caponetto in his book on the new world order quotes Pierre Virion, who three decades ago made known in his works the universal domination plans in which the aforementioned synarchist plan is evidenced, mentioning one of its principal ideologues, Saint Yves de Alveydre, who proposed as a motto the edification of a Novus Ordo Saeclorum, a new, agnostic and fatherland-free, syncretic and irenicist, order, in which the fusion of the opponents of Christian Civilization would take place. Today, it has been already proclaimed and fully instaurated, and is characterized by the following, as described by the latter of the aforementioned authors:

The World as a manipulable circuit

The world would be a simple international electrically connected net, with its plants, distribution stations, primary and secondary branch lines, switches and general and specific laws. When an overload or an excess resistance takes place, exceeding that calculated by the engineers who projected it and built it, a short circuit is produced. This is equivalent to a coup d'etat, a dictatorship, the rise of an unimagined force or a local conflict. If it becomes generalized as a countercurrent, an extension of the counteracting system or of the conflict occurs. The global village is an electrified world capable of instantaneous connections. Any leftover of patriotism or sovereignty, any vestige of intense religious life capable of influencing public conduct, any autonomous decision with respect to the system programmers, is seen worriedly as a disrupter that has to be immediately adjusted; any gesture that threatens the functioning of the net will be disqualified, first as a destabilizer and quickly disconnected, regardless of whether to do that it becomes necessary to pass over uncountable bodies with the pretext of keeping the validity of universal democracy (Bosnia, Irak).

Rejection of nationalism

One of the most notable spokesmen for the New World Order, as was Zbigniew Brzezinzki, mentions without qualms in his book on the new world order, that there will be a unification of the human genre, globalization of consciences, of communities, such an august future ruled by the United States that it will no longer be sensible nor necessary to think in national nor religious terms. What is national, as well as "Institutionalized Christianity¨ will disappear.


Immanentist Messianism

The two modern prophets of the current reordering, Edwin Toffler and Francis Fukuyama, describe such character in a hair raising manner. Professor Caponetto synthesizes the doctrine of such authors in the following way: "It will be a global, homogeneous world, dominated by the triumph of liberalism and democracy, of market economy and indiscriminate pluralism." A world of consumers ─ faith, nationality, art and philosophy cornered into the realm of the individual's alternatives ─ a messianic conception, strongly secularized, anthropocentric, and immanent, which centers in itself and makes depend the new generation of the human species upon itself.

Compulsive homogenization: uniformity of the sense of existence, of language and of faith.

It is a kind of post-modern inquisition which has as its leitmotif the eternal liberal motto "make yourself free or I'll kill you". Men and peoples are uniformized evermore for the sole political option which compulsorily will be a democracy. We are obligated to be democratic as the United States, or social-democratic, but maintaining the notions of privatization, weakening of the State, absolute non-confessionalism, integral laicism, a market economy, moral permissivism, hetero-directed citizens, with no more opinions or information than that generated by the mainstream media.

Let us not be naíve; it would be impossible to conceive the aforementioned new universal design without a juridical instrument that would guarantee the consolidation of such macro project with theological, philosophical and cultural expressions. Such an instrument is none other than the juridical philosophy of the New Law herein analyzed, which is being imposed without the least resistance on even the most remote corners of the global village, pulverizing all beliefs, all sovereignties, all national traditions, by means of the expedient, well-known in our legal system, of the constitutional blocks which today form part of most of the legal systems. The global society does not tolerate the affirmation of a national being. The national states disappearing, what sense would there be in maintaining the legal and juridical particularities? What reason would there be, living in a global village, for maintaining diverse, and even contradictory, constitutions and legislations? Such obstacles, according to the mind of the designers of the global village, should be removed, and for that purpose, no more efficacious instrument exists than the New Law and the constitutional state, which end up reducing the entire juridical order to the constitutional principles and values for which application, judges other than constitutional judges will not be required. No more than one decade will pass, perhaps less, in which, of the entire juridical system, only the constitution will subsist, and thousands of judges applying the constitutional jurisprudence; it will be the full application of the New Law. Once this has happened, once the plural system of courts and national legal particularities has been dismantled, there will be no sense in having national constitutions, and constitutional judges much less. They will also disappear to give way to the world constitution developed by means of international treaties and by the jurisprudence of transnational judges.

Is this not, gentlemen, the case of the International Criminal Court and of the Inter American Human Rights System? As explained by Patricio Randle in El Derechothe journal of law and jurisprudence:
"The declared purpose of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the bases of which were established in Rome in July 1998, which were ratified by practically all countries in the world, with the exception of China and the United States, is to try those persons who have been accused of the gravest international crimes, such as war crimes, or crimes against humanity, genocide or aggression.
Specifically, the court menaces with diminishing the sovereignty of the member sates, with carrying out a discretional, politicized justice, and bringing about a jurisdictional monstrosity. 
Argentine should not ratify the agreement which so much infringes upon the ban against double jeopardy, the right to an impartial judge, and the right to confront the opposing witnesses. Despite that, with 116 articles and 200 options debated by over 100 nations and organizations, the Rome Conference has created a real legal monstrosity."
Richard Wilkins, law school professor at Brigham Young University is disturbed because "This tribunal claims for itself jurisdiction over any person inhabiting the globe, which converts it into an organ of international government, a matter as novel as it is dangerous since it implies that globalization of justice will become a vehicle for radical policies."

The preamble of the project of the Statute of the ICC establishes that the court "should be complementary to the criminal justice systems of the nations in those cases that judicial processes are not possible or can be inefficacious."

All right an well but how will inefficacy be determined without entering a dark and disputable area? In fact, the ICC, on invalidating the national trials and pretending to define what is an efficacious process and what is not, appropriates to itself a kind of juridical power to review all the criminal systems in the world. Which definitively would be tantamount to constituting itself in a de facto supreme judicial vigilant.

Another aspect of the matter which places it in the shadows is the pretense of not putting limits to the reach of the ICC when dealing additionally with various other types of offenses without specifying which. This enables Amnesty International to claim that "perpetrators of human rights violations should be tried" (The Quest for International Justice: Time for a permanent International Court, July 1995.

It is an almost universally accepted principle, known as non bis in idem, which establishes that a person may not be tried for the same offense twice. Despite that, the ICC does not recognize such right since, as said before, it appropriates to itself the authority of deciding what is an efficacious trial and what is not.

In a letter to Wilson Cary Nicholas of 1803, Thomas Jefferson defended the supremacy of the American Constitution above international treaties, writing: "Our private security lies in having a written constitution. Let us not make of this a blank paper to be interpreted. I say the same of the opinion of those who consider that a treaty grants unlimited power. If this is so, then we have no constitution."

It is obvious that Argentine is not a country zealous of its rights and is open to admitting a reduction of its legal sovereignty and has no qualms in letting others interfere in pacifying operations with juridical pretexts of questionable doctrine, favoring a selective and politicized international doctrine capable of engendering a jurisdictional monstrosity."

The power of the ICC is truly overwhelming, although is Statute in articles fifth to eighth define which offenses will be subjected to its jurisdiction, it does not do it for the crime of aggression, leaving then to the assembly of participating states what should be understood for such crime. It is a blank norm which could include any conduct considered 'politically incorrect', thus giving authority to the assembly of participating states to alter the national constitutions.

Consolidated the above, we will definitively enter the global village, I can already hear the clanking of the chains, the stench of the great tyrant can already be perceived.

By means of Legislative Act 02 of 2001, the State of Colombia modified its National Constitution adding Article 93 which recognizes the jurisdiction of the ICC in the terms established by the Rome Statute; later, Law 742 of June 5, 2002, approved such statute, declared attainable by the Constitutional Court by means of Sentence C-578 / 02.

I wish to be wrong, I hope I am wrong, I hope it is the result of so much science fiction to which television subjects us every day, I hope they are unfounded predictions, I hope and pray mine is a very wrong prediction, I hope what the almost preppy daughter of mine once told me was right: "Dad, how embarrassing, get it over with, don't be so intense, how tenacious of you!" But that intensity is founded on stubborn facts. What I am doing is simply drawing the consequences by observing the episodes which present before our eyes on a daily basis.

I recall today, because it fits like a glove, the description an Argentinian professor made of that utopian village, quite well called 'Cosmic Citizenship':
"The entire globe is an electrical connection which is turned on and off at the whim of its designers, with the docile compilcity of its native operators."
But that is characteristic of the culture in which we are immersed, to which we arrived after traversing four centuries since the renaissance, a legacy of modernity now turned into post-modernity; I understand we live in a skeptical world where a fashionable dilettantism triumphs, where it is necessary to give the appearance of being neuter if we want to be accepted by the holders of public opinion or if we want to be admitted to the right circles. If we want to acquire the cosmic citizenship, we are obligated to be light men, which purposely is similar to the so-called light products so in vogue today: food without calories, lard without grease, beer without alcohol, sugar without glucose, tobacco without nicotine, skimmed milk... a new, decaffeinated man whose slogan is eating everything without calories; ultimately, a man without substance, without contents, devoted to money, to power, to success, to limitless and unrestricted pleasure, with no personal opinion to give and over almost nothing, people with plenty of things but out in the open metaphysically.

Ernesto Sábato, in an interview given to La Nación newspaper, describes that man with a crude realism: 
"The mechanization, robotization, alienation, de-sacralization of man, the capitalistic and industrial concentration, produced in the most 'advanced' regions, a man dispossessed of individual relevance, an interchangeable man, like those appliances made by serial production. Modernity gave effect to a sinister paradox: man achieved the conquest of the world of things at the expense of his own objectification; massification suppressed individual desires because the capitalist or communist superstate requires identical men. In the best of cases it collectivizes the senses, massifies the instincts, dulls the sensibilities througn television, unifies tastes through advertising and its slogans; on leaving their factories or offices, men and women, who are the slaves of machines and computers, take refuge in massified sports, in the illusory world of pulp novels and television series made by other machines. These are times when men feel metaphisically out in the open. That science, which the ingenuous thought was going to provide the solution to all of man's physical and spiritual problems, produced instead these gigantic states with their dehumanization. The twentieth century, hidden in the dark, as a sadist thief awaiting a pair of lovers."
Paraphrasing Nicolás Gómez Dávila in his memorable scholia, we can say without fear of being wrong: "If the modern industry has not yet attained manufacturing bodies, it has succeeded in manufacturing souls."

It is precisely the opposite of the man with the legacy of Spanish culture; following Gustavo Thibon, we can assert that: 
"Traditional man is characterized by a double tie, toward the high and toward the low. Toward the high because he never obviated the consideration of God, of the transcendent, in his life. Toward the low because he was rooted upon the land, upon reality. This double rooting conferred a sense of his existence in the world. Modern man has broken both ties, that one which united him with the high because he has experienced the feasibility of living prescinding of God, and that one which tied him with the low because he has abandoned the land, the reality, installing himself in a utopism. Perhaps the best figure of this man might be the artificial plant, this plant lacks roots; it looks not toward the high as it ignores the sunlight, not toward the low as it receives not the humidity of the soil. Such is the man of our time, an unhinged being, and consequently, he has become susceptible to being easily transplanted."
The lost harmony will not be brought back to us by the new world order, in vain will all unilateral organisms plow in the sea and build on the desert. It is not the humanitarian international law nor the Geneva Protocol what today´s society requires to return to its course; what it requires is, by the way, what constitutes the essence of Spanishness, individuals and societies recognizing themselves subjected to him who said: "Without me, nothing can you do." He is the salvation of individuals and societies.

Current unanimousness which so much brags of tolerance does not tolerate that the secular dogmas, such as those just controverted, be questioned, and has constructed a religiously, politically, philosophically and juridically correct way of thinking outside of which there is no salvation. Well, you may have noted that I practice the incorrectness, I cannot accommodate to that official truth, I am a kind of heretic of modernity and of post-modernity, a rara avis. Because of this, it could well be said that the foregoing is an unattainable text of the philosophically incorrect; or, if it suits you best, the confession of a reactionary; what can we do, the pluralist society, and the Colombian State is so, cannot but bear with those of us who controvert the principles of what today is called the politically and philosophically correct. If they are truly pluralists, they should be coherent with their pluralism, otherwise, they would fall on the criticism which, lucidly, Vázquez de Mella used to make about the mentors of modernity and post-modernity:
"What incongruency, what incongruency, to erect stands to the principles and scaffolds to their consequences.

Alejandro Ordóñez Maldonado 

martes, 18 de febrero de 2020

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution. VII

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution


By Alejandro Ordóñez Maldonado 


(Continued)


VII. Contemporary Constitutionalism, Individualism, and Postmodernity.



The liberal constitution concept has been pulverized by the prophets of the New Law, and we have passed now from a State Constitution which organizes the political power to one which designs, creates and modifies the social order in a totalitarian manner by means of ideologized decisions of the constitutional judge. As accurately recognized with a cyphered language by Doctor Diego López Medina in his text "The impure theory of law", the new law, with a dose of unresolved anxiety for influence, has undertaken the task of deconstructing our juridical tradition and the foundational values of our nationality, to rebuild it or rather re-found it, entering without hindrance, according to his view, in the post-modern global village by way of the purpose of socializing the constitution. "Ideological pluralism placed the task of proclaiming society's moral criteria on the agenda of justice, and that way the constitutional courts replaced the churches in the task of defining the culture's moral parameters", with its pontiffs, its dogmas, its crusades, its sins. and its heresies.

With such conception, contemporary constitutionalism, in its transit from modernity to post-modernity has created a citizen with unlimited and limitless rights who: "... demands everything for himself against the authorities who try to rule him, against the community to which he belongs, against the rest of men; in a word, against anything that makes him uncomfortable or eclipses him. All authority or right of any kind over men is excluded. It is only rights of the individual against anyone who could or would threaten them, avoid them or suspend them: rights of the child against his parents, rights of the women against men, rights of the State against the Church, and forming all of them a liberation front: rights of man against God."

Rightly does Professor Villey point out: "We do not easily get to reconcile these rights our time segregates everywhere, rights to prudishness and to sexual liberty; rights to life and to abortion; rights to marry and to divorce. Americans are ahead of us even more in the intensive and daily fabrication of new rights of man. In these post-modern times, the inventive genius keeps ceaselessly feeding new rights; today, such rights, affirms Juan Fernando Segovia in the afore quoted book, are recognized and guaranteed by the national constitutions as well as by international instruments which obligate states to modify their internal norms in the name of an active, solidary and integrated humanity, even, in some regions, rights of nonhumans, as happens with animals, have been consecrated. This overabundance serves, above all, to feed a multitude of demands that are impossible of fulfillment. When people come back to reality, they become disappointed and bitter." The supreme rule of the common good disappears to the benefit of the supreme rule of liberty; if modernity liberated civil society from the Church's beneficial influence, post-modernity will do the same from that of the State itself, even of the constitutional dominations and powers, diluting itself by means of the reign of conscientious objections, of privatizations and, in sum, of the private good; the well-known formulas of supremacy of the law, of sovereignty, and of public good could well make their entrance today into a museum of juridical archeology. Professor Thomas Molnar, in a series of recent essays, has left us a personal vision of the above in which he calls the apogee of civil society and the hegemony of free thought turned into the sole ideological expression authorized today.

Not that someone with a Thomistic formation may be ignoring the existence of human rights; on the contrary, they are as old as man himself. God completed His creation adopting man as His child and endowing him with the rights corresponding to his dignity. He is their author, not the French Revolution nor the United Nations' declaration nor the international treaties; they are the instruments of an ideology which in nothing resembles the Thomistic tradition on natural rights; let's not forget that all conception of such rights depends on the notion of the human person that is accepted, and as we Catholics see in it human and divine values, we can understand that this duality will affect those rights; quite different is the case for those who deny man's transcendence, his ultimate end; or for those that deny that persons have a nature... Never before in the history of humanity had human rights been so much ignored but also never before the absence of God in society had been so general; that is why the only way of guaranteeing the human rights is by defending the rights of God in society.

We are facing the radicalization of libertarian possessive individualism, where reason has died to give way to sensibility, emotion, imagination, fantasy, experimentation, and fabulation. this is why in today's language, to say "I feel like"  or "...gives me a bad vibe" is now in fashion. 

"The new rights are the sign of a new social tragedy since they sanction anti-social conduct, oblivious to any social or political coaction, freed to an extremely privatized morality. Exaggeration of the differences leads to picking the condition of the excluded as a paradigm of rights. They are, in a sense, rights to exclusion, rights to ¨do as we please,¨ rights to consumption and to alienation, to give or not give sense to one`s life, to build or destroy oneself, to direct one's personal life or not to direct it. These are the tragic rights of a destructured society.

We are now living through the ideological canonization of human rights. This is manifested by their boundless diffusion and their galloping influence, which has created a civil religion taught at school and propagated by communications media and by a multitude of bureaucratic and private channels. In it, we find the Marxist influence which considers man an alienated whose nature is not a given but a free construction of his own authenticity, as if each one could configure his being in an independent manner and, being responsible only to himself. Human nature deconstructed, it will not be possible to know other than by ideology, what is idoneous to man; the state apparatus ends up being converted into an instrument of mutation of human nature, regulating the cultural revolution to which we have been making reference.

To rescue the human rights from this highjacking to which I have been referring, good intentions are not enough, it is necessary to go back to Catholic natural law, which founds the juridical norms on the concrete relationships of individuals; it is the only solution remaining to those who have the mission of acting prudently in a just order. It would be necessary to retrace the secularization route traveled by Western culture and defeat the world that encloses the rights of man in the ideological circle of democracy and liberalism and the emancipating project they embody.

It is necessary, then, to seek the solution in a different plane, recovering the metaphysical foundation of law, as noted by González Pérez: "Man will only regain security and confidence when he recovers the conscience that his dignity is not tangible, not because it has been decided so by an international assembly, a dictator or a parliament, but because it is so prescribed by the eternal Law.

Without this return to metaphysics, in constitutional law nothing more will remain than the disappointed assertion of Saint Exupery: "What do we care for the political doctrines which pretend to attain the plenitude of men, if in the first place we do not know the kind of man they want to form."

Of course, I know well the criticisms to the above assertion that will be made from the spokesmen of a secular society habituated to the destruction of all its foundations: ¨ Natural law is suspect, religious in its origin and metaphysical, inadequate to a pragmatic and pluralistic society."

Antonin Scalia, United States Supreme Court Justice, cited by Thomas Molnar in ¨ Natural Law and Positive Law in the Anglo Saxon World¨ has claimed that the natural law positions represent fanatism and intolerance; but in turn, those who put themselves on guard before natural law have no qualms in claiming that the ultimate juridical authority is simply the individual's free will. Undoubtedly, this philosophy is not very far away from anarchy.

domingo, 9 de febrero de 2020

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution. VI

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution


By Alejandro Ordóñez Maldonado 


(Continued)


VI. Human Dignity and the Cultural Revolution

Today, it is not necessary to send armies to
take over the entire world. It suffices with
subjecting the world spiritually and culturally.

Alexander Solzhenitsyn

Never before in history had it been insisted so much upon human dignity as the foundation for a legal system, and on the primacy of the inalienable rights of the individual, but it is also true that never in the history of legality had the common good as a limit to such primacy been forgotten as now. An individualist doctrine has been tried to construct, in which the dignity of man has been caricatured, reducing it exclusively to liberty, and liberty to the absence of coercion; desire and appetite without any limitation would become a foundation of law, in consequence, within such sui/generis personalism the autonomy of the individual would become the sole foundational value for legality, giving no consideration to the others as an essential element of law, or the fulfillment of duty, and much less the common good.

The right to make valid any act willed by the state or by the individual as a right, even when sometimes limited for utilitarian reasons, would be absolute relativism: Everyone can claim the most strange, contradictory and even absurd things as rights; without doubt, we would have to conclude that anarchy is a right. We are heading toward an inexorable degradation with the pretext of the validity of a new dogma or rather a Utopia, called by some the free development of our animality, a perfect caricature of the true development of personality which proposes man to rid himself even of his own nature. This has entailed a rapid process of moral dissolution or of collective degradation which, if not stopped, will end up having the classical concept of social liberty as ordered liberty disappear. In the end, the war of all against all will ensue.

Is perhaps the above not the ideological support for the personal drug dose, suicide, abortion, homosexual unions, euthanasy, eugenics, incest, anonymous maternity, zoophilia, and whatnot, recognized by diverse international treaties and by a great majority of national legal systems and justified in the name of the new secular dogmas. The tolerance, pluralism, non-discrimination, to which the entire society is being led, whether by means of State programs implemented by the ministries of health and education or by means of decisions proferred by the Constitutional Court in sentences which make reference to the free development of our personality.  Having the State lost its moral dimension, it turns into a clear abetter of social disorder. This is an authentic cultural revolution in which the school our children attend, our families, the business where we work, the mentality, politics, religion, morality, in sum our entire life has to conform itself with those 'politically correct' postulates.

With great acuteness, the prologue of the text "La Revolución Cultural; un smog que envenena a la familia chilena" (The Cultural Revolution; a smog that poisons the Chilean family), reads ¨Yes, a revolution that penetrates as smog in all environments, gradually contaminating laws and customs, corroding principles, eliminating the notions of good and evil and implementing a new, atheist and relativist morality and that additionally prepares the juridical and publicity climate to persecute those who oppose any degree of resistance¨,  it is a program of deconstruction of what remains of a Christian inspired society, to impose a model relativist in its ideology and immoral in its conduct; its doctrinaire foundation lies on a peculiar interpretation of human rights, dispensing fully of the Church teachings and of the Christian nature of our people. Of course, all of the preceding carried out by the dictatorship of the tolerant,  who are practicing a far-reaching social chirurgy, cutting off the Christian roots of our society and imposing a Freudian pansexuality, demolishing of the family and of all our traditions.

Unabashedly, Rodolfo Llopis, leader of the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers Party), recognizes the agenda that socialism has devised on the topic:

"To me, no revolution takes place simply by the carrying out of a change in the political regime. Not even when together with the change in the political regime a social change takes place, is there a revolution. To me, the revolutionary cycle does not end until the revolution takes place in the conscience of the people... it is necessary to take over the souls of the children." After that would come – and we are experiencing it in our politics – what the Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci proposed: Marxianize the interior man without violence or bloodshed, it matters not to conquer the streets and towns, what must be conquered is the mind of civil society, especially in Hispanic America and the South of Europe; all the habitats, the customs, the social institutions where Roman Catholicism has more deeply guided the thinking and actions of the generality of populations, where it has been fulfilled to the letter by actions of the aforementioned state and judicial organisms. It is necessary, in compliance with the commitments of the Cultural Revolution, to alter such mind, turn it into its opposite in every detail, so that it turns not only into a non-Christian mind but into an anti-Christian mind. Such goals have been attained by means of a quiet and anonymous revolution in the name of human dignity and human rights, and in the name of liberty and autonomy with respect to external restrictions.

The ideology of human rights which rules at the present time ends up fostering the absolute liberation of man from all kinds of powers and dominations, even the constitutional ones. Such ideology, in its liberal origin, makes man independent not only of kings and privileges but basically of God, of its law and of religion, then of material inequalities and at the present time seeks to free us from anything which limits man's autonomy, starting with our own body; it is the primacy of the individual body to which reason is now subjected, to such a degree has it been dogmatized that authority of any order which does not subject itself to such ideology will be deemed to be illegitimate by NGOs and multilateral organisms. Today the favorite targets of the cultural revolution are not the military headquarters or the public offices as it once used to be; today, as said before, it is the souls of children, it is an unnoticed ideological transfer produced in a subtle manner in our entire culture. The taking of the Winter Palace, Gramsci sometime said referring to the political power, is the last thing to try; the taking over of the culture should come first.

Our ineffable Nicolás Gómez Dávila summarizes this in one of his erudite extraordinary sentences or scholia as they are popularly known: "The revolution only invades palaces previously deserted."


jueves, 2 de enero de 2020

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution V.

The New Law, the New World Order, and the Cultural Revolution



By Alejandro Ordóñez Maldonado




(Continued)

V. Judicial Voluntarism or Imagination as a Source of Law.


The judge forms his conviction neither by means of
logical deductions nor of thorough studies of pre-
existing doctrine, but through the instantaneous
formation of a "hunch" which tells him the concrete
direction his decision should take.

Diego Lòpez Medina

Anyone who is moderately familiar with the topic will notice a perfect coincidence between the Calvinist juridical doctrine and the New Law; it suffices to simply secularize it for a new school of judicial interpretation to emerge, or if you wish to be more precise, sacralization in the new school will turn around the constitutional judge and the constitutionality blocks, the rest is the same Calvinist doctrine already explained. The great majority of New Law authors hail from countries where Calvinism established itself in the social, political and cultural institutions of their regions. Having assimilated religious Calvinism, they incorporated it in judicial Calvinism. It suffices to cite a few examples:

In 1876, German jurist Siegmund Schlossmann (1844-1909), one of the forerunners of the School of Free Law transforms the creative activity of law into a certain, imprecise juridical sentiment at the same time conceived as rational and felt as an intuition. In turn, another German treatise writer, Oskar von Bülow (1837-1907), influenced by the historical school of law, in his text "The Law and the Judge's Ministry" proposes that the law is only a remote presupposition of the sentence. The judge is the exclusive determinant of the law and he is subjected to the norm as an indicative criterion only; he is in the condition of setting the exact law, even when his decisions may depart or contradict the legal precepts, the which possess only a merely indicative value. Eugen Ehrlich in 1888 published the well-known text "On the Loopholes of the Law" which in his opinion would be being resolved in concordance with the personal convictions of the judge. The text of the latter author, taken as reference by the local authors of the same school, shapes all of the theses of the Free Law movement:
  • Equating the functions of judges and legislators,
  • Reducing the norms to the role of simple indicators for the judge, lacking imperativeness,
  • Reducing the law to the decisions of the judges.
 In 1906, Hermann Kantorowicz publishes what has been considered the Free Law Manifesto under the title of "The Struggle for the Science of Law". There he straightforward claims that statutes are not a source of law, opening fire against what he considers legalist dogmatism, reducing law to the expression of judicial will, as he himself states: "the law freely determined by the judge but properly ascertained" this in plain language means that the judge does what he wills without the precepts getting in the way, with the only requirement that he reasons his decision.

These are the same principles taken these days as dogmas in our legal system, it suffices to read the sentences, quoted several times, or what one of our most distinguished domestic authors says in that respect: "The conflict is resolved without resorting to positive texts regulating the integrity of the typified institution. Rather, juridical argumentation is founded on less linear discursive logic... Instead of specific rules of conduct, the adoption of standards or principles which, outlining a very general rule, leave its concrete adaptation to a prudential judgment of the interpreter and not to the foreseeing capability of the legislator."

He goes further on asserting: "the judge acts as a producer of material justice visions and develops active virtues that put him in contact with, for instance, public expenditure ordering and managing." Contemporary constitutionalism assumes this doctrine fully. When a judge decides to ignore the statute or even the Constitution, he does it wielding as a pretext his duties of protection of the constitutional principles or values consigned in the Constitution or in some international treaty which form part of the constitutionality blocks; but, of course, nobody knows the contents of such principles or values.

It is the judge who, capriciously, provides the principles and values in each sentence. In practice, this is what happens, the large quantity of contradictory precedents so indicates. Rightly, Doctor Juan Manuel Charry, former dean of the law school of Universidad del Rosario, calls attention to the "uncertain and unpredictable character of constitutional control"; in the same vein, Doctor Sandra Morelli points out: "The Constitutional Court creates uncertainty... ignores our system of sources of law... and rids itself of any juridical ties... which is disadvantageous to the nation in general." Beyond a disadvantage, we are facing a constant altering of the Constitution by judicial means.

It is the paroxysm of judicial voluntarism, which many have compared with a Government by Judges, but would be more accurate to designate as Judicial Tyranny exclusive of the statutes and of logic in the judicial formation of law. As properly recognized by Kantorowicz, it is the Lutheran reply to the intellectualist harmonizing aim of Thomism. One of the authors of North American realism, quoted by Dr. Diego López Medina in his text "El Derecho de los Jueces" (The Law of Judges) states: "Source of law is not only the judge's notion that certain rules are valid law, but also his personal prejudices, his sympathies or antipathies, his whims, and private interests; in sum, everything which in any circumstance can psychologically influence his decision."

If I claim that imagination is for the New Law a source of law, I could be disqualified as an exaggerated critic, but it suffices for me to quote the following texts to free myself of such accusation. United States Federal District Judge Joseph Hutcheson, as quoted by Dr. Diego López Medina in his text "El Derecho de los Jueces" explains how he resolved a difficult judicial controversy: "I, after having gone over all materials at my disposal, and duly reflecting on them, let my imagination free, and considering the case carefully, I await the sensation, the hunch, that beam of understanding which in an instant allows me to make connection between the problem and the decision and, at the point where the road becomes darker for the judge, sheds its light along the route." The same author in trying to give an explanation of the hunch as a source of law sets forth the following text:
"Some call it intuition, some imagination, that sensibility to new ideas, this power to explore when there is no path..."
If someone should still harbor some doubts about the juridical effects which the School of New Law confers to the imagination, I think the following quote will clear all doubt: "Does all this lead to anarchy and the destruction of any and all security feeling? I don't think so. True security, absolute security, 100% security, we cannot attain. We can get close to it, but nothing more. Our worry is the prophecy... we should not fear arbitrariness.¨

Very little has been researched about the ideological and political contents of the New Law in university lectures, in doctrinal texts and in law firms. It is welcome with zeal by some or condemned with ardor by others, but all without further analysis.

The former are imbued with the mythical idea of inexorable progress which, as Maritain will remind us: "Produces ritual resonances in the imagination", making them embrace anything new simply because it is new, equating it with the better without taking any other consideration into account. For them, the New Law is something novel and, as we have seen, reason enough to be accepted, considering that it responds to the law of history and its unstoppable advance, which no one can resist except for a few who are unaware of the "sense of history"; therefore, the principles on which it is founded will be taken as an apodictic truth, as a secular dogma of a new religion, with strange docility in the majority of cases, and because of intellectual laziness, the same texts, the same authors, the same arguments, the same precedents, are reproduced, despite their repeatedly resorting to ideological pluralism to justify "innovative decisions"; their thinking turns into gross dogmatism without any antecedents in constitutional history. 

The latter circumscribe the controversy to a problem of judicial technique, reducing the entire debate to a conflict of constitutional competences, failing to point to their true nature when actually the technical aspects are perfectly secondary.

We have transitioned from a legalistic fetishism, where the law, divorced from the natural order and the common good, ends up being an instrument of private interests, efficacy taking precedence over justice, to the judicial fetishism of the New Law, where the judge, freed from any positive statute, ends up making of his whims the most important source of law. Both fetishisms share the same voluntarism except that the former place it on the head of the legislator and the latter on the head of the judge; voluntarism is their connecting thread. We are facing an apparent contradiction which is not resolved within the constitutional frameworkñ there, a philosophical error - voluntarism- simply manifests itself; that error owes a debt to the liberal juridical positivism which arose with the French Revolution as well as to the New Law, juridical expression of post-modernity, a mark which we can find in Kelsen, Bobbio or Hart as well as in Dworkin, Alexy or Heck, to cite the better known. The New Law in the philosophic sphere is simply the unfolding of voluntarism or, if you wish, of nominalism which, as rightly claimed by Villey, is interested only in nature's technical usefulness, reducing it to that and rejecting its objective value as well as the good and the just, leaving the will free to create them at their whim. Because of that, neither the ones nor the others accept limits other than their own will, which in the former takes the form of one half plus one, and in the latter the form of constitutionality blocks.

As said before, the will has limits fixed by natural law, since it cannot go against the nature of things; and it cannot found any obligation and, consequently, any right. When something in itself runs in contradiction with natural law, it cannot be justified by human will.

Professor Francisco Elías de Tejada, whom we have been following in a disorderly fashion, masterfully concludes: "In essence, the school of Free Law and its current shameful successors end up consecrating the voluntarism which perennially corrodes the law in the course of the centuries, above and beyond whatever rules the judges could create with their will following these trends, the juridical norm is always dictated by reason under penalty of excesses and arbitrariness." We can only annotate that, where said writer refers to voluntarism as a movement permanently corruptive of the law, it should be read to apply to the new law as well as to juridical positivism. 

(To be continued)

Go back to Chapter iv